By Danièle Joly (eds.)
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5–29. Mark Gibney 31 11. David Martin, ‘Reforming Asylum Adjudication: On Navigating the Coast of Bohemia’, University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 138, 1990, pp. 1,247, 1,270. 12. Ibid. at p. 1,279. 13. William Eckhardt, ‘Civilian Deaths in Wartime’, Bulletin of Peace Proposals 20, 1989, pp. 89–98; Peter Wallensteen and Karin Axell, ‘Armed Conﬂict at the End of the Cold War, 1989–92’, Journal of Peace Research, 30, 1993, pp. 331–46. 14. See generally, Katarina Tomasevski, Between Sanctions and Elections: Aid Donors and Their Human Rights Performance, London: Pinter, 1997.
I have served with the UNHCR in Turkey, Bosnia, Djibouti, as part of the emergency team deployed to the Republic of Congo (Brazzaville) in June 1997, and with the Canadian Foreign Service in Ottawa and the Philippines. I have seen children decapitated by Bosnian Serb artillery in Srebrenica and wounded and starving children who survived being hunted down like animals while trekking for thousands of kilometres barefoot across the ex-Zaire. In recent years I have witnessed both an intensiﬁcation of human rights violations in countries of origin and a severe decline in the level of protection and assistance provided to refugees and asylum seekers in countries of asylum.
That request fell on deaf ears and UNHCR was left to choose whether it would aid all those in the camps, including the armed factions and perpetrators of genocide who were not entitled to refugee status under international law, or whether we would leave hundreds of thousands of children to die of hunger and disease. The choice was not one UNHCR should have been forced to make. In late 1996 and early 1997 the choice was equally stark: leave people to die and be killed in greater numbers or undermine core UNHCR and international legal principles by facilitating de facto refoulement in a repatriation movement leading to an uncertain and insecure future in Rwanda.
Global Changes in Asylum Regimes by Danièle Joly (eds.)