By Kenneth L. Kusmer, Joe W. Trotter
Historians have dedicated strangely little consciousness to African American city background of the postwar interval, in particular in comparison with prior many years. Correcting this imbalance, African American city background considering that global struggle II gains an exhilarating mixture of professional students and clean new voices whose mixed efforts give you the first accomplished evaluate of this crucial subject. the 1st of this volume’s 5 groundbreaking sections specializes in black migration and Latino immigration, studying tensions and alliances that emerged among African americans and different teams. Exploring the demanding situations of residential segregation and deindustrialization, later sections take on such subject matters because the genuine property industry’s discriminatory practices, the circulate of middle-class blacks to the suburbs, and the impact of black city activists on nationwide employment and social welfare regulations. one other crew of members examines those topics during the lens of gender, chronicling deindustrialization’s disproportionate effect on girls and women’s best roles in activities for social switch. Concluding with a suite of essays on black tradition and intake, this quantity totally realizes its objective of linking neighborhood variations with the nationwide and international strategies that have an effect on city type and race family.
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Additional info for African American Urban History since World War II (Historical Studies of Urban America)
Just 18 percent of movers were 40 or older in 1955–60, and only 12 percent in 1965–70. This age distribution doubled the demographic effect of the exodus. It meant that the South was losing—and the other regions were gaining—not just the migrant generation, but also their unborn children and grandchildren. The Irvins’ experience also represented a fairly typical family migration configuration. Frank had gone west first to check things out, following aunts and cousins who had moved to Oakland before the war.
Whites also left, but not at the same rate. The rural South became whiter as a result of the Second Great Migration. By 1980, 85 percent of rural residents were white, as were 94 percent of all those living on farms. 8 Mississippi, Alabama, and Arkansas had included the most productive section of the cotton kingdom and the demographic heart of black America. Each of these states experienced a dramatic diaspora, sending much of its African American population elsewhere. In 1970, 52 percent of all black adults who had been born in Alabama lived outside that state; 62 percent of adult black Mississippians and 63 percent of black Arkansans had left home.
The local histories of Compton, East Palo Alto, and Seaside reveal many housing patterns that were common statewide. Real estate agents and homeowners alike largely kept blacks from penetrating Compton city boundaries until the 1950s. Though a small Mexican American barrio had formed in the north-central section of the city during the first decades of the 1900s—adjacent to the unincorporated areas of Watts and Willowbrook—the systematic use of racially restrictive covenants by the 1920s ensured that blacks from South Central Los Angeles and new black migrants from the South were shut out of the so-called Hub City.
African American Urban History since World War II (Historical Studies of Urban America) by Kenneth L. Kusmer, Joe W. Trotter